Policy Brief on Women Activism and the Changing Attitude on the Role of Women in Politics and Governance in Nigeria
Doris Dakda Aaron & Christopher Ochanja Ngara
National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies, National Assembly, Abuja, Nigeria
The policy brief examines women activism and the changing attitude on the role of women in politics and governance in Nigeria. Over the years the traditional attitude and prejudice against women in most patriarchal societies, particularly in Africa, is among the major factors responsible for the subordination and obscurity of women in politics and governance. Using desk review and historical approach, finding shows that primordial prejudice against women’s participation in public affairs is gradually giving way to a more accommodating role for women as evidenced by the growing visibility of women in politics and governance, especially since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999. The brief established that the rising public profile of women is due to decades of enduring struggles by women activists. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), feminist groups, and women in politics and decision making), through activism, public enlightenment campaign, advocacy, among others. The paper concludes that in spite of the changing attitude on the role of women and their recognition as equal players in politics and governance, the absence of a comprehensive law dealing with women issues have limited the effective participation of women in politics in Nigeria. The brief recommended amongst others that Nigeria should domesticate The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) as one of the important step to achieve effective mainstreaming of women into politics and governance.
Prejudice and discrimination against women has been a common feature of most patriarchal societies, particularly in Africa, even though variation exists from one society to another. In Nigeria, just as in most African societies, women have mostly been treated as the weaker sex, resulting in their oppression, marginalization and alienation. These asymmetries manifest in many forms ranging from political domination, economic inequality to socio-cultural discrimination, among others. The reason for this disparity is that women are generally regarded as weak; inferior to men; lacking in intelligence; sexual object; personal property; personal servant; domestic slave; and deserving abuse (Dike 2012). This conception about women has often been justified by the Victorian ideology which suggests that God’s intention for a woman is to take care of the home front and provide help for her husband whom she is structured by nature to depend on (Haralambos and Holborn 2008), to consolidate men dominance in public affairs.
These erroneous and narrow perception and belief held about women in many societies, have contributed to the tendencies for women to be socialized to accept as their primary social responsibilities, restricted socio-economic roles, such as housekeeping, domestic chores, raising of children etc., in the family, schools and even work places. In a typical African society, women who venture into the public activities such as politics are viewed as deviants. Even women themselves consider women participation in certain aspects of public affairs, especially leadership positions as an aberration. Women who dared to engage in activities outside the traditionally approved social roles are stereotyped as wayward, uncultured and in extreme cases, regarded as prostitutes.
These negative traditional attitudes towards women, have caused many potentially qualified women to refrain from partisanship and roles that expose them to public visibility (Fakeye, George and Owoyemi 2012). Despite the spread and penetration of western values and institutions with strong advocacy for gender equality and mainstreaming, prejudice and discrimination against women persist in many segments of the Nigerian society. These prejudices are inherently expressed in structural imbalances that reflect even in occupational choices in which careers such as nursing, subsistent farming, teaching, secretarial and clerical jobs, petty trading, domestic labour, among others, are considered suitable for women, while highly technical, political and decision-making professions such as engineering, medicine, piloting etc., are considered masculine.
It is therefore not surprising that in the First Republic (the period between 1963 to 1966), the Nigerian government did not accord any meaningful role to women in governance (Ngara and Ayabam 2014). Successive military governments after the First Republic did little to change the narrative as governance was considered a masculine business. Ajayi (2010) averred that from independence in 1960 to the restoration of democracy in 1999, women participation in governance never exceeded 4%. This underscored the degree and extent of the marginalization and subjugation of women relative to men in public affairs in Nigeria.
However, since the declaration of the International Women’s Year by the United Nations in 1975 and the International Decade for Women (1975-1985), there has been a gradual shift in public attention from the initial myopic and negative views held towards women’s participation in development to positive and broader ones (Fonjong 2001, p.10). Subsequent conferences like the Nairobi Conference, the World Conference on Women Forum in 1985, raised tremendous awareness and targeted benchmarks for achieving accelerated gender balance and social justice for women globally.
These efforts were complemented at the local levels by the active roles of various women activists and feminist groups such as wives of Heads of State, women in politics and decision-making positions, women organizations, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO’s), as well as statutory bodies like the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs, the Council of Women Societies of Nigeria, among others. The roles of these women activist has serve as change factor in fostering new attitudes in promoting gender balance in politics and governance
Today, the hitherto existing discrimination and prejudice against women has progressively abated. Women themselves have taken advantage of these changes with increasing level of interests and participation in public affairs. Consequently, more and more women are being appointed into key position of authority both in public and private sectors across the world including Nigeria. It is against this background that this policy brief examines women activism and the changing attitude on the role of women in politics and governance in Nigeria.
Some Important Trends in Women Activism in Nigeria
Historically, women in Nigeria have faced a wide spectrum of experiences in navigating through several hindrances that confront them. It is an established fact that the culture of patriarchy, male chauvinism and anarchy has greatly undermined the rights of women over the years. The effect is the latent and manifest structural violence, exploitation and marginalization of women in every sphere of societal affairs. Women for long have recognized the fact that their marginalization and subjugation will continue to subsist if they do not rise to the occasion and struggle for their rights.
Thus, women activism is a phenomenon that predate the independence of Nigeria as country on 1st October 1960. The first known organised women activism in modern Nigeria was the Abba Women Riot of 1929 (Matera, Bastian and Kent 2012). Whereas, throughout the British colonial administration in Nigeria, no woman was ever appointed into any of the Legislative Councils, they had to contend with bourgeoning colonial demands such as trade restrictions, increased taxation, levies, fees as well as excessive corruption of the colonial native authority. These state of oppression and marginalisation under the colonial government, and the lack of formal medium for women to seek justice, seem to have instigated the women movement in 1929, to protest socio-political and economic injustice meted out on the indigenous population.
Although, the Abba women activism of 1929, paid off as the colonial authorities dropped their planned tax increase and curbed the powers of the Warrant Chiefs, it however did not translate into the involvement of women in governance. Nonetheless, the 1929, women activism greatly inspired anti-colonial struggles, and created tremendous awareness about women identity and the potentials for women group to effectively organise themselves into a potent force in pursuit of their course as was later the case. In 1944, for example, the first ever women political party was formed and devoted considerable effort in agitation for gender equality and improved welfare for women (Egwu 2015). Similarly, the Abeokuta Ladies Club transformed, first, into Abeokuta Women’s Union in 1946, and later, Nigerian Women Union in 1949 (Egwu 2015). Although, women had no adequate representation in the leadership of political parties such as the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM), Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) and National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), they were however supportive to women groups and their causes.
Apart from the women political parties, pressure group such as the Lagos Women Leagues, also played prominent roles in canvassing for equality in access to education and better sanitary condition for women. Women activism in the pre-independence era became even more visible and penetrating in 1948 when Mrs Olufunmilayo Ransome-Kuti, led the Abeokuta Women’s Union (AWU), in organizing a protest in Abeokuta against increase in taxation as well as the failure of the traditional rulers to protect local population against arbitrary colonial taxation. According to Simola (1999, p.104), the women’s groups led by Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti “Question the character of governance with regards to the authoritarian, arbitrary nature of decision-making by the Sole Native Authority and the colonial government’’.
It should be noted that the activism of these women organizations helped to push women's welfare matters in an organized manner, to the attention of the colonial government and the public (Egwu 2015, p.396).
International activism at the global level also reawakened the desire for women across the globe to be given equal opportunities as their male counterparts in governance. The first United Nations Women Conference held in Mexico in 1975 declared 1975-1985 as the United Nations Decade for Women. This development stirred up massive global awakening on the need to promote equal rights and opportunities for women. This gained further impetus following the convocation of the Second and Third United Nations Women’s Conference held in Copenhagen and Nairobi in 1980 and 1985, respectively. These conferences tracked the progress of the Decade for Women and culminated in the Women Beijing Conference in 1995. The United Nations 'Decade for Women' (1975-1985) and subsequent UN conferences promoted transnational political solidarity among women’s leadership across the world. The principles developed by women organizations during these conferences facilitated the formulation of new transnational perspectives for political action, new organizational structures and new strategies for advancing women's issues (Nelson 2012, p.85). This led to new forms of women political self-organization, self-confidence, improved women’s advocacy and inspired legitimacy for the role of women as workers both in and outside their homes.
In Nigeria, wives of the Nigerian Presidents also played significant roles through various programmes to ensure that a give women a voice in Nigeria. For example the former First Lady Dr. Mrs. Maryam Babangida, wife of General Ibrahim Babangida, dramatically changed the public profile of women in Nigeria. She was the first wife of a Nigerian Head of State to use her spousal position as a basis for playing a prominent role in the nation’s public life (Jubrin 2004). According to Jubrin (2004) Mrs. Maryam Babangida launched the Better Life for Rural Women Progaramme (BLP) in 1987 and wives of all senior state officials were incorporated into the organization. While the wives of military governors in the state became chairpersons of the state BLP, those of local government chairpersons also acted likewise. This precedence was sustained by successive First Ladies after Mrs. Maryam Babangida with differing tempos and commitment.
The changing international and national legal framework and the growing global network of feminist movement in the post 1990, all contributed in the exponential growth in the number and diversity of women rights movement groups and organizations with varying interests and commitment towards promoting equal rights and opportunities for women and girls in Nigeria. These women’s leadership movements have defied stereotyping, stigmatization, among others, and have continued to work hard for the advancement of women’s rights in Nigeria and Africa at large. three (3) systems of law - customary, statutory and religious laws in Nigeria
These organizations, among others, have over the years, organized campaigns, public meetings, rallies and press events to raise awareness and advocate for change on variety of issues relating to physical, structural violence, socio-economic and cultural discrimination and marginalization of women in politics and governance (Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre PLAC 2018), with remarkable success.
Changing Attitude on the Role of Women in Politics and Governance in Nigeria
The activism of women leadership groups have made phenomenal impact in raising significant level of awareness on the role of women in nation building, particularly through participation in politics and governance. This awareness was created through long and consistent public campaigns in the mass media, political activism, advocacy and sensitization through variety of means including conferences, workshops, public demonstration, political representation, lobbying inter-alia. Over the years, this has translated into positive changes in public perception that have led to new attitude towards women as equal partners in progress with men in contrast to the primordial sentiment held against the role of women in public affairs held through the traditional Nigerian society till date. Sibani (2013) and Ibeanu (2009) shared this view when they asserted that the situation is gradually changing for women in Nigeria as their recruitment into the political and governance class is fast gaining acceptance.
Ibeanu (2009, p.2-3) identified four major socio-economic and cultural dimensions of these changes in Nigeria. The first is the growing “voice” and rising profile of women in the economy, community work and various spheres of professional and public engagements. The second is the gradual but steady withering of cultural restrictions on the perception of women in public affairs since the last three decades. The third is the rapid expansion in the work of activist women organizations supporting increased participation of women in politics and a resultant rise in the number of women joining politics and standing for elections. The fourth is the increasing tendency of women to take up economic roles in the family previously reserved for men and to question the myth of the “male-breadwinner” in many middle and low income families.
The transition from military to civil rule in Nigeria in 1999, contributed significantly to these changes by creating the civic environment for the introduction of a variety of favourable legal and policy responses. For instance, Nigeria became a Signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1979, and became a State Party when it ratified it in 1985 without reservations. The country also signed the Optional Protocol to CEDAW in 2000 and ratified same in 2004, even though they are yet to be domesticated. The Goal 5 of the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) also ensures women’s full and elective participation as well as equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision making in political, economic and public life. Similarly, Section 42 of the 1999 Constitution, as altered, provides that on no account should a citizen be discriminated based on community, ethnicity, place of origin, sex, religion or political opinion (CFRN 1999).
At the levels of political parties, the major political parties that have controlled government at the centre in Nigeria since 1999, namely; the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), also crafted their Constitutions to accommodate the interests of women. At the policy level, an important step was the establishment of the National Commission for Women (NCW) in 1989 with the aim of institutionalizing mechanism to increase women’s political representation. In 1995, the NCW was upgraded to the Ministry of Women Affairs for the effective coordination of efforts to advance the cause of women across the country. A major milestone was achieved in 2000 with the development and adoption of the National Policy on Women in line with the goals of the CEDAW (PLAC 2018). This was later replaced by the National Gender Policy in 2006, which among others, seeks to build a society devoid of discrimination and create equal opportunity for the realization of the full potentials of all citizens regardless of sex or circumstances; and create necessary conditions for the political well-being of all citizens and enjoyment of fundamental human rights.
Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) have responded to these changes in two but mutually reinforcing ways: First, the CSOs served as the agents of change with support from international development partners to develop programmes tailored at increasing women political participation. CSOs have consistently engaged stakeholders through sensitization and advocacy to catalyze legislative and policy reforms necessary for women to be adequately represented in politics and governance. Secondly, many CSOs gave women the opportunity to play leading and active roles in the movement to demand for equal opportunities for women.
The steady progress with respect to women representation in politics and governance in Africa in general became a major booster to women in Nigeria as well. For example, since 2017, there are 30% more women ministers of defense, 52.9% more women ministers of finance, and 13.6% more women ministers of foreign affairs (Musau 2019). Similarly, across Africa, remarkable feat have been achieved with respect to the percentage of women representation in parliament such as in Rwanda (61.3%), Namibia (46.2%), South Africa (42.7), and Senegal (41.8%). African countries have also recorded high percentage of women in ministerial position in Rwanda (51.9%), South Africa (48.6%), Ethiopia (47.6), Seychelles (45.5%), Uganda (36.7%), and Mali (34.4%) (Musau 2019).
In the 23rd February 2019 General elections in Nigeria, only 6 women, representing (5.45%), and 11 women representing (3.6%), were elected into the Senate and the House of Representatives, respectively (The Guardian 2019). Only about 7 women, representing 16.67% are serving as ministers in the President Muhammadu Buhari led administration. Although, Nigeria lags behind many countries in the world in terms of the percentage of women in politics and governance, there is however fundamental political, legal and social changes that accommodate increasing roles for women in public affairs. In response, increasing number of women are taking advantage of these changes as they no longer conceal their interests to aspire to political and decision making positions.
Figures from the 2007, 2011, 2015 and 2019 General elections in Nigeria in Table 2shows that even though fewer women emerged winners at the poll, there were significant number of women aspirants across the different registered political parties. For the first time in the country’s political history, there were about 7 female presidential aspirants (one withdrew at the last minutes), 22 vice presidential candidates, 285 deputy governorship candidates (INEC 2019). In spite of the gloomy picture presented by the few number successes registered by women at the 2019 General elections, there is however a bright future prospects of increased women participation in politics and governance if necessary steps are taken.
Major Challenges to Effective Participation of Women in Politics and Governance in Nigeria
In spite of the growing acceptance of the role of women in politics and steady advances in public affairs in Nigeria, there are challenges bedeviling their effective participation in politics and governance. Some of the major challenges include:
Absence of Legal Framework for addressing Women Issues: There is generally no comprehensive law in Nigeria that deals with the rights of women, be it political, socio-economic or cultural rights. Nigeria is a signatory to international instrument such as the CEDAW whose objective is to ensure women’s equal access to, and equal opportunities in, political and public life- including right to vote and stand for election as well as education, health and employment (UN Women 2020). However, this convention is yet to be domesticated in Nigeria, hence its provisions are not actionable in local courts.
Slow Pace of Implementation of the Goal 5 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGS) in Nigeria: A preliminary assessment of the SDGs in Nigeria by the Women Environmental Programme (WEP) in 2017, which sampled ten states shows that the country has not made significant progress with respect to the implementation of Goals 1, 4, 6 and 7. (Odogwu 2018). This goes for most of the targeted goals including Goal 5 which is targeted at achieving gender equality and empowerment for all women and girls (UN 2020). If this continues, it will inhibit and prevent more women from active participation in politics.
Existence of Cultural, Religious and other Structural Barriers: Despite the gradual and progressive withering of structural barriers such as cultural and religious discrimination against women’s participation in public affairs in Nigeria, it will be delusional to assume that they have been eradicated. Although, the degree and tempo in which they exists vary across the country, they still constitute a huge barrier to effective women participation in politics.
Defective Educational Instruction: There exists defective educational instructions both at the family and institutional levels that tend to encourage women to see themselves as good only for inferior housekeeping roles. Similarly, women are socialized into accepting professions such as teaching and nursing as “feminine;” and professions such as politics, engineering and medicine etc., are viewed as “masculine.” Even though this trend is fast changing, it is still prevalent and tend to affect women negatively.
The prevalence in Nigeria of a traditional structures of unequal power relations between men and women, resulting in disproportionate distribution of rights and privileges has been an issue of great concern for many, particularly women. This state of affairs has led to various kinds of intervention by individuals and women groups in order to eradicate all forms of discrimination against women and promote gender balance in politics. The active roles of women’s leadership over the years have raised remarkable awareness on the relevance of women in socio-economic and political development of the country. This awareness has in turn fostered new public attitude of accommodation and inclusion for women in politics and governance. This trend is evidenced by the increasing recognition of the role of women by successive government in Nigeria since the re-introduction of democracy in 1999. Although, the number of women in elective and appointive positions have continued to decline since then, there is no gainsaying that the interest of women in vying for elective and political positions have been on the increase. Based on the foregoing conclusion, the following recommendations are hereby proffered to foster and boost effective participation of women in politics and governance in Nigeria:
An important step in achieving increased participation in politics and governance in Nigeria is the domestication of CEDAW in order to give it legal teeth and make its provisions actionable in local courts. This will improve fair treatment of women, access to opportunities as well as the removal of all form of discrimination against women and girl child.
In addition to the domestication of CEDAW, a law should be passed reserving at least 40% of seats for women in both the National Assembly, State Houses of Assemblies and Local Government Councils across the country. The legislation should also include a provision prescribing that 40% of candidates on political party list should be women. This form of affirmative steps is behind the successes recorded in Rwanda and South Africa in terms of higher women representation in politics.
Government should come up with deliberate policies and programmes to accelerate the removal of structural barriers, such as social, cultural and religious practices that inhibit women from participating in public affairs and limit their access to education, economic opportunities, security and other resources that are essential to become effective leaders. This can be achieved through aggressive enlightenment campaigns, sensitization and advocacy programmes. Similarly, women in leadership, women organisations as well as other stakeholders should complement government effort by intensifying and sustaining advocacy for the girl-child and women, particularly, the rights of women to participate in politics and governance. The National and State Assemblies should join the advocacy by including the mainstreaming of women in politics as part of their legislative agendas.
Government should intensify efforts at implementing the Goal 5 of the SDGs through the establishment of legal frameworks to institutionalize gender equality at all levels of socio-economic and political life of citizens as well as increase budgetary provisions for the programme. This is necessary to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women.
Government and NGOs should adopt gender budgeting as a way of promoting gender equality through fiscal policy and the allocation of resources based on their impact on men and women. This will help in reducing the disparities in access to opportunities arising from state policies and programmes.
Educational policy actors should put in place policies and programmes that emphasizes the promotion of women’s rights from the foundation stages of girl’s child education. Teaching of this should be introduced at all educational levels so as to foster awareness and to counteract the primordial notion “that boys are better than girls”. Furthermore, parents should be sensitised on the fact that girls can perform as well as boys if given equal opportunities.
Abdulraheem, N. M. (2017). Women in the Political Process and Human Rights: The Nigerian Experience. Anthens Journal of Law x(y): 1-25.
Ajayi, K. (2010). The Concept of First Lady and Politics in Nigeria Dakar, Senegal: Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA). Retrieved on 08/02/2020, from https://www.google.com/search?q=The+Concept+of+First+Lady+and +Politics+in+Nigeria&rlz=1C1CHFX_enNG608NG608&oq=The+Concept+of+First+Lady+and+Politics+in+Nigeria&aqs=chrome..69i57.703j0j9&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8.
Akpan, N. E. (2018). Men without Women: An Analysis of the 2015 Elections in Nigeria. International Journal of Arts and Humanities. 7(4): 97-108.
All Progressives Congress [APC] (2014). Manifesto of All Progressives Congress, Federal Republic of Nigeria. Retrieved 10/02/2020, from https://www.allprogressivescongress .org/manifesto/
All Progressives Congress [APC] (2019). Constitution of the All Progressives Congress, Federal Republic of Nigeria. Retrieved 10/02/2020, from https://www.inecnigeria.org/wpconten t/uploads/2019/02/APC-Constitution.pdf.
Asaju, K. and Adagba, S. O. (2013). Women Participation in National Development in Nigeria: Imperative of Education. Journal of Public Administration and Governance. 3(1): 57-69.
Asiedu, K. G. (2019). Africa has forgotten the Women Leaders of its Independence Struggle. Quartz Africa. Retrieved on 08/02/2020, from https://qz.com/africa/1574284/africas-women-have-been-forgotten-from-its-independence-history/.
Cowell, A. (2008). Miriam Makeba, South African Singer, dies at 76. The New York Times, 10 November. Retrieved on 19/09/2020, from https://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/10/world/a frica/10iht-obits.4.17692767.html
Dike, F. I. (2012). Nigeria: Enhancing Women participation in Politics and Governance, Matters Arising Jabi, Abuja: Fair deal Press Ltd.
Egwu, J. U. (2015). Women Participation in the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria. IJASOS-International E-Journal of Advances in Social Sciences. 1(3): 395-403.
Ewens, G. (2008). Obituary: Miriam Makeba. The Guardian, 10 November. Retrieved on 19/09/2020, from http://www.amp-theguardian-com.cdn.Ampproject.org/v/s/amp.theguar dian.com/music/2008/nov/10/Miriam-makeba-obituary?
Eze-Michael, E. N. (2016). Political Participation and Socialization of Women in Nigeria: A Case of the Fourth Republic. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences. 6(22): 98-105.
Fakeye, Y., George, O. J. and Owoyemi, O. (2012). Women in Purgatory: The Case of Nigerian Women in Boardrooms. Asian Journal of Business and Management Sciences 1(10): 134-150.
Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999). Constitution of the Federal Republic 1999, as Amended. Lagos.
Fonjong, L. (2001). Fostering Women’s Participation in development through Non-governmental Efforts in Cameroon. The Geographic Journal. 167(3): 223-234.
Haralambos, M. and Holborn, M. (2008). Sociology themes and perspective. London: Haper Collins.
Ibeanu, O. (2009). Historicizing the Marginalization of Nigeria Women in Politics. In J. Mangvwat, O. Ibeanu, and S. Mahdi (eds), Election HER stories: Political Experiences of Women in Nigeria. Abuja: Gender Affirmative Action, Coalitions for Change and DFID.
Ikpe, E. B. (1997). The Role of Women in National Development. In Osunkotun, A. and Olukoju, A. (eds.), Nigerian People and Cultures. Ibadan: Davidson Press.
Independent National Electoral Commission [INEC] (2019). 2019 General Election Candidates. Retrieved 13/02/2020, from https://www.inecnigeria.org/elections/election-candidates/
Irabor, F. O. (2011). Review of Women’s Participation and Performance at the 2011 General Elections in Nigeria. Retrieved 10/02/2020, from http://baobabwomen.blogspot.com/2011/05/reviewing-womens-participation-and.html
Jega, A. (1996). The State and Identity Transformation under Structural Adjustment in Nigeria. In A. Jega (eds.), Identity Transformation and Identity Politics under Structural Adjustment in Nigeria, (pp. 24-40), Kano: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet and Centre for Research and Documentation.
Jubrin, I. (2004). The First Lady Syndrome and the Marginalization of Women from Power: Opportunities or Compromises for Gender Equality? Retrieved on 07/02/2020, from https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/0859/b96c7dae7f0c030a3875348f8f12f4f880ad.pdf?_ga=2.58420522.1485268845.1581007700-1094949560.1521394970.
Jureniene, V. (2010). Stereotypical Character of Society in the 2nd Republic of Lithuania: Women’s attempt to be equal Partners in the State. In Husu, L., Hearn, J., Lamsa, A. and Vanhala (eds.) Leadership through the Gender Lens: Women and Men in Organization, (pp. 198-206), Helsinki, Finland: Edita Prima Ltd.
Kolawale, T. O., Abubakar, M. B. and Owonibi, E. (2012). Gender and Party Politics in Africa with Reference to Nigeria. International Journal of Politics and Good Governance 3(3.4): 1-26.
Luka, R. C. (2011). Women and Political Participation in Nigeria: The Imperatives of Empowerment. Journal of Social Sciences and Public Policy 3: 24-37.
Matera, M., Bastian, M. L. and Kent, S. K. (2012). The Women’s War of 1929: Gender and Violence in Colonial Nigeria. UK: Palgrave and Macmillan.
Musau, Z. (2019). African Women in Politics: Miles to go before Parity is Achieved. African Renewal. Retrieved on 08/02/2020, from https://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/ april-2019-july-2019/african-women-politics-miles-go-parity-achieved.
Nawey.net (2011). Analysis of the History, Organization and Challenges of Feminism in Nigeria. http://www.nawey.net/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/05/Feminism-in-Nigeria.pdf.
Nelson, E. E. (2012). Democracy and the Struggle for Political Empowerment of Women in Nigeria. International Journal of Advanced Legal Studies and Governance. 3(1): 85-99.
Ngara, C. O. and Ayabam, A. T. (2013). Women in Politics and Decision Making in Nigeria: Challenges and Prospects. European Journal of Business and Social Sciences. 2(8): 47-58.
Obiyan, A. and Akindele, S. T. (2002). The Federal Character Principle and Gender Representation in Nigeria Journal of Social Sciences. 6(4): 241-246.
Okoosi-Simbine, A. T. (2011). Gender Politics and the 2011 Elections. Journal of African Elections. 11(1): 74-99.
Olurode, L. (2013). State and Political Participation: Women in Nigeria’s 2011 Elections. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) Discussion Paper No. 4. April. Retrieved 13/02/2015, from https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/nigeria/10192.pdf.
Owoh, K. (1998). Creating Room for Manoeuvre: Structural Adjustment and Women Resistance in Nigeria. PhD thesis. York University, North York Ontario.
People’s Democratic Party [PDP] (2012). Constitution of the People’s Democratic Party, Federal Republic of Nigeria (As Amended). Retrieved 10/02/2020, from http://peoplesdemocrati cparty.com.ng/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/PDP-CONSTITUTI ON-2012-AMENDMENT1.pdf
Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre [PLAC] (2018). Women’s Political Representation in Nigeria: Why Progress is Slow and what can be done to Fast-track it. Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC), Ford Foundation. Retrieved 08/02/2020, from resentation-.placng.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/Women-Political-Reppdf.
Politics and Society (2015). Africa’s 10 iconic women leaders. Retrieved on 08/02/2020, from https://thisisafrica.me/politics-and-society/africas-10-iconic-women-leaders/ February 20.
Premium Times (2015). Analysis: 2015 Elections hold no Promise for Improved Women Representation in Nigerian Politics. March 26. Retrieved 13/02/2020, from https://www.premiumtimesng.com/features-and-interviews/179136-analysis-2015-elections-hold-no-promise-for-improved-women-representation-in-nigerian-politics.html
Sibani, C. M. (2017). Gender Inequality and its Challenge to Women Development in Nigeria: The Religious Approach. Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 18(2): 432-449.
Simola, R. (1999). The Construction of a Nigerian Nationalist and Feminist, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuta. Nordic Journal of African Studies. 8(1): 94-114.
Tashi, M. (2012). The Potentials of Women in Political Development: The Case of Plateau State. Multidisciplinary Journal of Research Development. 2(1): 95-106.
The Guardian (2019). 2019 Polls offer less Opportunity for Women Involvement in Legislative Politics. Politics and Policy: 20 Thursday April 4. Retrieved on 08/02/2020, from www.guardian.ng.
Odogwu, G. (2018). Assessing SDGs Implementation in Nigeria. The Punch July 5. Retrieved on 18/09/2020, from https://punchng.com/assessing-sdgs-implementation-in-nigeria/.
Oluyemi, O. (2016). Monitoring Participation of Women in Politics in Nigeria. Retrieved on 19/09/2020, from https://unstats.un.org/unsd/gender/Finland_Oct2016/Documents/Nigeria_paper.pdf
United Nations Educational and Cultural Organization [UNESCO] (2019). Women in African History. Retrieved on 06/01/2020, from https://en.unesco.org/womeninafrica/.
UN Women (2020). Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women. Retrieved on 18/09/2020, from https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/
UN (2020). Goal 5: Achieve Gender Equality and Empsower all Women and Girls. Retrieved on 18/09/2020, from https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal5.
Wole-Abu, N. A. (2018). Nigerian Women, Memories of the Past and Visions of the Future through the Communication Narratives of the Media. Global Media Journal. 16(31): 1-7.